Argo nel V secolo: ambizioni egemoniche, crisi interne, condizionamenti esterni
digital
![]() Capitolo
€ 6,00
|
Ebook in formato Pdf leggibile su questi device:
|
|
This paper aims to identify the main features of Argos’ policy in the fifth
century B.C. Modern scholars have underlined neutrality, defence from
Spartan hegemony, and alliance with the Arcadians (especially with
Mantinea) and with Athens.
Friendship with Athens has been particularly discussed since, despite
favourable premises, it was not very successful (as for example after
462/1 and between 421 and 418). Consequently, some scholars argue
that Argive relations with Athens cannot explain the whole of Argos’ policy
in the fifth century. Kelly states that this policy was «essentially pro-
Argive». In my opinion, however, Argos often showed too little capacity
of initiative and too great internal divisions, that did not permit a consistent
‘nationalistic’ policy.
The relations with Athens were no doubt favoured by political affinity
(Thuc. V 44, 1). Only a democratic government could, in fact, enable
Argos to set herself free from Sparta, join democratic, anti-Spartan states
(such as Athens, Arcadia and Elis), and aspire to restore her ancient
hegemony on the Peloponnesos. On the contrary, with an oligarchic,
pro-Spartan government Argos could only aspire to control Argolid and
enforce a local policy.
For this reason Argos was influenced by internal stasis. On several
occasions (probably in 469-464 and in 451, and certainly in 417), the
revival of the oligarchical faction caused a change in Argive foreign policy.
Unlike Athens, Argos was a weak and disunited democracy, built
from a forced assimilation of people of lower status (perhaps even of different
ethnical origin) and often undermined by a strenuous oligarchical
faction.
Beside fear of isolation and internal divisions, historical events highlight, in my opinion, a strong influence of Corinth on Argos’ policy (perhaps
not enough underlined by modern scholarship). We can identify
several episodes from the end of the sixth century until 421; but
Corinth’s role clearly emerges from the events of the years 421-418.
After the conclusion of the alliance between Sparta and Athens in 421,
the Corinthians tried to arrange a great Peloponnesian democratic
coalition under the leadership of Argos, whose aim was to save the
Peloponnesos from subjugation (Thuc. V 27, 2). The Corinthians evidently
did not intend to claim Peloponnesian hegemony for themselves:
they consciously left this leading role to the Argives, either because
Argos had historical traditions that made it the best alternative to Sparta
as Peloponnesian leader, or in order not to get too much involved in an
uncertain and dangerous project. Furthermore, Argos’ leadership could
obtain the approval of Peloponnesian democratic states, that did not
trust the oligarchical Corinth, for the Corinthian project.
Afterwards, Corinth’s attitude seems to have been fundamental in
the crisis of the anti-Spartan coalition. When the Corinthians withdrew
from the anti-Spartan front during the year 420, the Argives lost their
interest in Peloponnesian hegemony. Being afraid of remaining isolated,
they first tried to come to a compromise with the Spartans, and then
reapproached the Athenians. In comparison with Corinth, Argive political
and diplomatic initiative shows lack of consistency and impressive
weakness after 421.
Thus, Argos’ policy seems to have often depended on external initiative
and to have been conditioned, or inspired, by Corinth. The great
influence Corinth had on Argos’ choices also depended on the geopolitical
situation of Argos that was under Spartan pressure on the southern
side and Corinthian menace in the North. Sometimes Argos tried to
extend her influence to the detriment of Corinth; more often she suffered
Corinth’s initiative and became an instrument of Corinthian policy.
Thus, in the fifth century Argive foreign policy seems to have been a
‘vicarious’ policy, actually led by the Corinthians.
|
|
Chi ha visto questo prodotto ha guardato anche... |
News
18.07.2022
Colpi sul muro dell'indifferenza
Un consiglio di lettura che tocca le pagine di Tomáš Halík e Simone Weil.
18.07.2022
Un granello di bontà, speranza del mondo
Contro la tragedia della guerra, i soprusi dei potenti, la cattiveria di molti c'è la speranza della bontà, tra Grossman ed Esquirol.
27.07.2022
Luigino Bruni, l’economista che salva le parole
Luigino Bruni, direttore scientifico di "The Economy of Francesco", l'economista attento alle parole giuste e al bene comune, risponde al nostro Questionario di Proust.
18.07.2022
Le dolci potenti pagine della letteratura
Tolstoj, Dostoevskij e Melville: viaggio nella dolcezza inaspettata raccontata da Anne Dufourmantelle.