AEVUM - 2013 - 1

The epode which concludes the parodos of Aeschylus’ The libation-bearers (Coeph. 75-83) is examined in its philological and literary aspects. Sources and loci paralleli are discussed in order to grasp the nuances of the text and all the contributions of the 19th and 20thcentury editors and commentators are taken into consideration. The outcome is a critical edition of the passage, a new interpretation of its metrical structure and a translation.

This paper examines the legal procedure followed in Cimon’s trial, which took place at the end of the military campaign against Thasos (465/4-463/2 B.C.). The character of that suit has been much discussed, the main issue being whether Cimon’s lawsuit was an euthyna (as witnessed by Aristotle) or an eisangelia (as can be argued from Plutarch’s account). Although literary sources seem difficult to reconcile, the analysis of a scholion to Aeschines’ Against Timarchus (Schol. in Aesch. I 1) may shed new light on Cimon’s suit and suggests a new conciliative perspective, linking euthyna to eisangelia.

The reasons of Rome to begin his warfare against the piracy in Southern Anatolia are object of this paper; the focus is on the circumstances and consequences of P. Servilius Vatia’s campaign. The proconsul confronted diverse enemies. The case of Zenicetes, ruler of Lycia, is emphsized because he was one of the local leaders (tyrannoi) who prospered in alliance with the pirates; he was quickly defeated by Servilius Vatia. The tyrants of Olba were more successful and were officially recognized by Rome, as well as Antipater of Derbe and Tarcondimotus of Hierapolis/Kastabala, in spite of their link with piratical actions.

This paper focuses on Mart. V 44, its literary background, and its role within the arrangement of the poetic book. The ego asks the parasite Dento about his strange behavior (he does not more accept ego’s invitations to dinner); he gradually understands that Dento got a new patronus, and foretells him a very quick coming back ‘home’ to his ancient host. The topic is skillfully patterned on the ‘falling-in-love enthymema’, which has its origins in Callim. AP XII 71 and 73 or in Theocr. Id. 14 (the ego argues from someone’s unusual behavior that she/he fell in love with some other). Themes and language concerning ego’s ‘jealous’ attitude towards the parasite are variously picked up in other poems within the V book (see esp. 46-47, 50, and 83-84).

Pausanias made use of contemporary literary sources, but not a single author of his time is ever mentioned by name throughout his work. Despite his silence, the Hellenikai kai Italikai Historiai by Claudius Charax of Pergamon, who was active in the age of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, might be identified as an important source for Pausanias’ Periegesis. The comparison between some of the extant fragments of Charax’s work and the corresponding passages of the Periegesis shows how extensively Pausanias based his treatment of specific antiquarian traditions or matter of facts on his predecessor’s account. Yet Pausanias’ and Charax’s approaches to mythical material look different as well as their appreciation of the place and role of the Hellenic tradition within the culture of the Roman empire.

Leiden, Universiteitsbibl., Voss. misc. 13 is a collection of Greek and Latin texts and notes, mostly written by Isaac Vossius. Object of this paper are three Greek texts in verse. On f. 4, now partially excised, the missing portion can be reconstructed as containing a copy of an antique inscription, whose ultimate source is Boccaccio’s Zibaldone: Vossius had the text from Lucas Langermannus, who worked in Florence between 1651 and 1654. Still extant in the surviving portion of f. 4, few lines are identified as Menander fr. 65 K-A, excerpted from Stephanus Byzantius’ Ethnika. On f. 8r Vossius, when he was in Rome in 1642, copied an epigram from a Farnese MS, then in Farnese Palace in Rome, before the moving of the collection to Parma: this MS is now identified as Naples, Bibl. Naz., II C 37.

Constantine the Great exploited a communication technique to forge and legitimate a political consensus. The years of his reign from 307 to 321 AD are especially examined in this paper. The virtues expressed by the Latin Panegyrics and the imperial titlings in inscriptions (Caesar and Augustus) are an essential point for the analysis. The Panegyrics are rhetorical texts which represent Constantine’s figure according to his program of public representation. The idea of propaganda in Late Antiquity is also explored.

Recently, in the Archive of San Petronio in Bologna, a palimpsest bifolium has been found out: the upper script contains St Augustine, De civitate Dei, in half-uncial; the lower script is Gothic, apparently written in Northern Italy. The Gothic lower script offers some passages translated into Gothic from the Old and the New Testament, which are up to now unknown and not handed down by the existing Gothic manuscript tradition. The Gothic text of the fragment has been transcribed; an Italian translation has been added. An in-depth linguistic and philological analysis is provided about the script, its origins and date, followed by the examination of the identified biblical passages being compared with the Greek and the Latin versions in order to highlight concurrences and divergences. This kind of analysis has casted new light on some traits of the Gothic language and its vocabulary bringing out terms that were not so far attested and rare terms as well.

Cicero plays a significant role in Ausonius’ Gratiarum actio, from the point of view of explicit references, as well as for intertextual connections. Even if not widely quoted, he has a symbolic value in the Gratiarum actio, because the author refers to his figure when he judges the consulate or emphasizes his political role in the court of Gratian. Cicero lies in the background of the speech and is conceived both as a monument of the Roman republic and a model for Ausonius, who shared with him the condition of homo nouus. Ausonius uses Cicero, enemy of autocracy, to justify his own position in front of the autocracy itself.

A Latin verse inscription (inc. «Marcellina tuos cum vita resolveret artus») was written for the tomb of Marcellina, sister of the bishop of Milan St. Ambrose. The original stone, placed on the burial in the Milanese basilica martyrum at the time of bishop Simplicianus (397-401), has been lost. The epigram, however, is transmitted by two medieval manuscripts (9th and 11th century), and by the Collectanea of Andrea Alciato (1492-1550), who modified several details of the text for the sake of improving it, in keeping with his humanist taste. The manuscript tradition of the poem is investigated and a critical edition with translation and commentary is provided.

The representation of the infernal landscape is important in Claudian’s De raptu Proserpinae and in his In Rufinum as well. In the first poem, the underworld is described when it paradoxically joins with the living world: the ambiguity of its features reflects some sort of overlapping between the two worlds, a confusion which is caused by an event destined to change the cosmic order forever. In the In Rufinum, the close link between the underworld and the protagonist, nursed by the Fury Megaera, finds its ultimate expression at the end of the invective: Rufinus’ descent to Tartarus after his death and his punishment are functional to emphasize the demonic nature of the Praetorian prefect, incarnation of the evil itself.

A critical study of the new edition by C. Luna and A.-Ph. Segonds of Book III of Proclus’ Commentary on the Parmenides in comparison with the Oxford edition of the same text. The study offers a philological discussion of difficult passages where the editors introduce new corrections into the transmitted text. Besides a number of excellent conjectures the editors also make corrections that are not needed and sometimes even deteriorate the text instead of improving it. For some difficult passages alternative solutions are proposed.

Further arguments are offered for Damascius’ authorship of Corpus Dionysiacum. The question of whether or not Isidoros and Hierotheos could be seen isosyllabical is discussed (1). The author amuses himself inserting into Christian vocabulary the name of Arabic deity Theandrios (2), giving primacy among sacraments to the consecration of myron as an analogue of the Orphic rites (3) and affirming that Proclus’ theory of eros is superior to Paul’s teaching of agape (4). He raises funeral rites to a sacrament to promote his own doctrine of the after death reward, a doctrine where Christ’s redemption is unconsidered. On the other hand Trinitarianism fits Damascius’ philosophy quite well (5). The defence of infant baptism is an assertion of God’s incomprehensibility and a way of persuading the unconscious reader that the author is the desired master (6). Even in those few passages where he speaks of deliberately chosen evil his reflections are consistent with Neoplatonic teaching about the human soul as it is both: doomed by nature to error and free (7). Dionysius’ style can be identified, within the various kinds of literary styles stated by Hermogenes, with a reinforced peribole. Photius, an unsurpassed judge of Greek prose, ascribes this quality to Paul, Damascius and Maximus the Confessor, thus showing a direct link. Dionysius endeavoured to surpass Paul’s peribole aiming to become more authoritative and sublime than the Apostle himself (8). A new kind of inquiry is applied to words opening sentences; the comparison of Proclus, Damascius, Dionysius, Simplicius, shows a remarkable convergence of Damascius and Dionysius in contrast to the others (9). The lexical equipment of the four writers is very similar, but a stronger taste for the word teletarches and one of Platonic expressions is peculiar to Damascius and Dionysius (10). Author’s main invention is hierarchy, a term inspired by inscriptions of the Oropus sanctuary (11). If Dionysius was a Christian pupil of Damascius, who succeeded to became his alter ego, the task had to be accomplished when he was still sitting in the classroom (12). The aim of this disparaging fiction was to make Platonism of the persecuted philosophers the substance of Christian theology (13).

The origin of the Greek lexeme eschara ‘‘hearth’’ is examined from different points of view (archaeology, linguistics, anthropology) and its cultural nature is investigated. The lexicon pertinent to the basic notion of INFLAMED WOOD is studied in Aryan, Slavonic, Latin and Germanic languages; Hittite eshar / ishar ‘‘sacrificial blood’’ is identified as the original paradigm for a loanword got into the Greek lexicon within the Micrasiatic area, where a phenomenon of language alliance took origin (Gusmani). A connection between the Greek lexematic series eschara, adis, bothros, ear, aima and the notions of HOLLOW BRAZIER, SACRIFICAL BLOOD, VITAL LYMPH is argued; through etymological paths the paper shows their considerable antiquity and follows their partial survival up to now.

A treasure of fragments from medieval parchment codices, mostly taken from bindings, is found in the State Library of Cremona. The majority of these fragments are from legal and liturgical manuscripts. Classical texts are very rare, just three, all of Italian origin: Seneca, Epistulae (14th - 15th cent.); Pliny the Elder and Cicero’s Epistulae familiares, both 15th cent. and written in humanistic script.